When the Rev. Al Sharpton took the stage to introduce members of the Exonerated Five on the last night of the Democratic National Convention, it was, for the briefest moment, a nod toward a reality that the DNC had otherwise aggressively avoided: the myriad injustices of our criminal legal system.
“Thirty-five years ago my friends and I were in prison for crimes we didn’t commit,” Korey Wise said. As teenagers, Wise, Yusef Salaam, Kevin Richardson, Raymond Santana, and Antron McCray were wrongly arrested, brutally interrogated, and imprisoned for the rape of a jogger in Central Park. Donald Trump notoriously spent tens of thousands of dollars on full-page ads in the New York Times calling to bring back the death penalty. “Our youth was stolen from us,” Wise said. “Every day as we walked into courtroom, people screamed at us, threatened us because of Donald Trump.”
“He wanted us dead,” Salaam, now a New York City Council member, said. Now in their late 40s and early 50s, the men once known as the Central Park Five stood as a living testament both to Trump’s cruelty and the futures he sought to crush.
The moment was powerful. But it also exposed a tension that had been present throughout the entire convention. All week, the criminal justice system — and Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris’s role in it — had been cast as a force for good: a source of protection and justice for society’s vulnerable. Harris was praised by a parade of sheriffs, state attorneys general, and members of the U.S. security state as the leader who will keep Americans safe. “Crime will keep going down when we put a prosecutor in the White House instead of a convicted felon,” President Joe Biden said in his speech on Monday.
To anyone who has ever watched the Democrats maneuver in an election year, none of this was particularly surprising. The party’s belief that their candidates must adopt the mantle of law and order is a long-held tradition. Yet Wise, Salaam, Santana, Richardson, and McCray were once themselves demonized as looming threats to American society — branded not only as “felons” but also as “superpredators,” a racist and dehumanizing myth weaponized to give prosecutors the power to punish children as adults. Trump’s targeting of these teenagers was certainly repugnant and cruel. But their convictions came out of an era that saw politicians build careers on criminalizing and punishing young people like them. Few were more successful than Biden and Bill Clinton, both of whom were welcomed as heroes at the DNC.
For years, Harris has presented herself as an antidote to these bad old days: a prosecutor who believed in being “smart” rather than “tough” on crime. As a contender during the 2020 presidential primary, she promised a slew of criminal justice reforms, calling mass incarceration “the civil rights issue of our time.” As senator, she sponsored and co-sponsored legislation to make the system fairer and more humane, including a bill to abolish the federal death penalty and grant new sentences to everyone on federal death row. But now, with the presidency within reach, rather than seize the opportunity to follow through on such work, Harris and the Democratic Party have simply moved on from the discussion. The appearance of the Exonerated Five was bookended by yet another round of speeches elevating prosecutors and bashing criminals.
Unmet Promises
Salaam’s presence in particular was a reminder of a specific policy the Democratic National Committee has abandoned. In the years after his wrongful incarceration, he became an activist against the death penalty, telling his story to audiences around the country. (This is how I first got to know Salaam; for years we jointly served on the board of the Campaign to End the Death Penalty.) When the New York State Legislature debated fixing the state’s death penalty law, which had been invalidated by the state’s highest court, Salaam presented himself as a cautionary tale. Had capital punishment been the law of the land the year he was tried, he may well have been executed before proving his innocence.
Yet in the hours before Salaam spoke at the convention, many Americans were learning for the first time that the DNC had removed its goal of ending capital punishment from its official platform. The issue had previously been enshrined in the party platform for years, with the language in 2016 especially robust: “We will abolish the death penalty, which has proven to be a cruel and unusual form of punishment,” it read. “It has no place in the United States of America.”
As a document, the platform does not always reflect the priorities or beliefs of a presidential candidate. The 2016 language, for instance, was at odds with candidate Hillary Clinton’s support for capital punishment. But the decision to remove any reference to the death penalty was nonetheless alarming. At best, it raises questions about Harris’s stated commitment to ending capital punishment, something she not only claimed to want to do during the 2020 primary but took action on as senator. At worst, it signals something much darker, especially for the 40 men on federal death row.
The omission is especially worrisome to those who lived through Trump’s unprecedented federal execution spree, carried out in the waning months of his presidency. Under Trump and Attorney General Bill Barr, 13 people were executed at the federal penitentiary in Terre Haute. The last three executions were carried out back-to-back over the course of a week, just days before Biden’s inauguration. The cases were emblematic of the death penalty’s cruelty and unfairness. Lisa Montgomery, the only woman under a federal death sentence, had lived a life marked by extreme trauma and mental illness. Corey Johnson was killed despite a Supreme Court ban on executing people with intellectual disabilities. And Dustin Higgs, the last man to die, was executed for three murders carried out by another man, who had since said that the government’s case was “bullshit.”
The horror of Trump’s executions made Biden’s 2020 campaign pledge to end the federal death penalty all the more urgent — and his victory over Trump cause for celebration and relief. In this light, the removal of the death penalty from the DNC platform feels like a stunning betrayal. “Biden’s promise four years ago created a set of expectations that his four years in office so far has not met,” said Robert Dunham, director of the Philadelphia-based Death Penalty Policy Project. “It’s those raised expectations that make the absence of reference to the death penalty so disappointing to people who want him to carry out that promise.”
Still, Dunham doesn’t believe the platform’s revision signals a change in policy. “It isn’t that they dropped their position on the death penalty. The issue here is, when you’re faced with an existential threat to democracy, what issues do you emphasize and what issues don’t you emphasize?”
Rendered Invisible
If relatively few Americans recall Trump’s execution spree, it is almost certainly because it was largely undiscussed by politicians on either side. The executions in Terre Haute were pushed through recklessly, in the earliest days of the Covid pandemic, in a manner that was shocking even to seasoned anti-death penalty activists, legal experts, and defense attorneys. If there was ever a year that presented the moral imperative to speak out against the death penalty, it was then. Instead, the federal executions were completely ignored at Democrats’ virtual convention four years ago.
In my correspondence with people on federal death row at the time, several criticized the Democrats for staying silent while Trump killed their friends and neighbors. “The Government is killing people in the name of the tax payers and it is not even a major story,” Christopher Vialva wrote to me before he was put to death in September 2020. He was acutely aware that Biden helped expand the federal death penalty in the first place and was skeptical of his vow to end executions. Those who survived the executions have expressed pessimism that anything will change.
With conservatives’ Project 2025 seeking to execute the rest of the men on federal death row, the stakes could not be higher. But for all their somber warnings of the Republicans’ terrifying blueprint for a second Trump administration, Democrats have been conspicuously silent about this part of the plan.
For those who witnessed the federal executions up close, news that the DNC platform no longer included opposition to the death penalty was dismaying but not reason to lose all hope. “It’s disappointing,” said activist Bill Breeden, who served as a spiritual adviser to Johnson, standing in the death chamber while he was killed by lethal injection. Breeden is certain that the very people who will power the Democrats to victory — especially women and young people — are opposed to capital punishment. But he also is adamant that Harris must win the election. “The opposite, Christian nationalism, is fascism,” he said. As a regular visitor to federal death row, Breeden is acutely aware of the danger posed by a second Trump term. “There will be a serial killer in the White House.”
Yusuf Nur, who served as a spiritual adviser to Higgs and Orlando Hall, another man killed by the Trump administration, echoed Breeden’s sentiments. The federal executions were traumatic for both men. “It really changed my life,” Nur said.
Nur believes the silence about the death penalty evinces a lack of political courage. “They’re scared. They don’t want to bring up anything that they think could be used against them in this election cycle. That’s basically what it boils down to,” Nur said. He questioned how much direct involvement Harris had in the drafting of the platform. “I want to give her the benefit of the doubt,” he said, but he still found it disheartening and a bit ironic. “She wants to project strength and that she cannot be intimidated. But at the same time, this tells me that, yes, she can be intimidated.”
Nur saw a parallel with the campaign’s avoidance of Gaza and its refusal to allow a Palestinian American speaker at the DNC. “It’s the same basic reason,” he said. But whereas the scale and the images of Israel’s genocidal war have made the issue impossible to suppress, executions remain invisible to all but a small handful of Americans who see them up close.
This invisibility has undoubtedly made it easier for Biden to turn his back on his previous promises. So has the silence from Democrats. As Vialva said about the federal government before he was killed, “they want us quiet so they can operate without the public caring too much. They keep us secret.”